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Does the modern
antiwar movement share its ideological roots with Marxism? The Editors at the
John Jay Institute (JJI) seem to think so. “[Sir Thomas Moore’s Utopia] later
influenced the vision of Karl Marx in the 19th century,” they write in their
introduction to Joseph Loconte’s essay, “The Ghosts
of Appeasement.” The editors also trace elements of Christian Utopianism
through the Diggers, Quakers, Shakers,
Social Gospellers, and “the Christian pacifists
on the eve of World War II.”
radical evil. It is a naive vision of social and political life that ignores
the realities of history and human nature,” writes Professor Joseph
some good intentions, the utopians have absorbed a number of sub-Christian
views about human nature and [the] mission of the Church in a fallen world.”
Such attitudes lead
to moral relativism, he argues, prompting strong anti-Americanism from figures
such as Jim Wallis, Arthur
compare the United States to imperial Rome and Nazi Germany. This is how
utopians talk—outraged utopians, that is,” he writes.
advocates a vibrant Christian Realist doctrine in line with the tradition of
marked by three elements:
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to measure “the moral gulf between flawed democracies and fascist aggressors”
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economic and social justice, but not by denying the existence of radical evil”
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defeating the ideology of Islamic fascism on the battlefield.”
Reinhold
theologian who contributed to modern just-war theory. A prodigious writer, he
authored such works as The Irony of American History, The Nature and
Destiny of Man, and The Structure of
Nations and Empires.
The direct opposite
of Christian Realism can be found in
pacifism, which Loconte
argues has swept across both the left and right, from Pat Buchanan and Jerry
vision, Islam is viewed as a club in God’s hands to deliver spiritual
discipline. This is the right-wing version of contemporary utopianism.” He
later criticizes the post-9-11 manifesto “Confessing Christ in a World of
Violence,” written by Jim Wallis and Sojourners, and supported by
“scores of theology professors, ethicists and church leaders.”
The
declares that Christians have a strong edict to oppose the war, no matter the
consequences. It insinuates that the Bush Administration has adopted a
“theology of war” in order to rid the world of perceived evil, a position it
equates with “political ideology exacerbated by the politics of fear.” They
write,
“Standing in the
shadow of the Cross, Christians have a responsibility
to count the cost, speak out for the victims, and explore every alternative
before a nation goes to war. We are committed to international cooperation
rather than unilateral policies. We reject the false teaching that a war on
terrorism takes precedence over ethical and legal norms. Some things ought
the use of indiscriminate weapons of mass destruction—regardless of the
consequences.”
Pacifism, argues
and human rights in favor of a “theology of love.” “In other words, it is a
theology of love divorced from the Biblical demands of justice—which means it
is not a theology of love at all, but a posture of pious indifference toward
suffering and evil,” he writes. He later continues, “By denying these facts, by
rejecting the reality of radical evil, by confusing the roles of church and
state, the utopians are succumbing to an old temptation: They’ve allowed their
hatred of war to blot out all other virtues.”
Others might not be
so optimistic about the viability of Christian Realism in modern foreign policy
circles. “[Realists] look at religion, if at all, as a drive to power—which it
certainly is, but that’s by no means the whole story,” said Georgetown
Professor Thomas Farr at a recent
He said, “I’m trying to put a symposium together
liberal internationalist…I’m having a heck of a time getting a realist and I
want them to look at the issue of ‘why have we ignored [religious freedom]?’”
He added, “It’s kind of saying ‘when did you stop beating your wife’ and you can
expect that people would be a little hesitant to come on a panel and explain
this.”
Bethany Stotts is a
Staff Writer at Accuracy in Academia.
